IX. "Twas ever Thus"

The constancy of Zionist ideology as the ultimate fermentation-agent of Israeli policy is illustrated in recently published English translations of parts of Moshe Sharett's diaries. MOSHE SHARETT was Israel's first Foreign Minister and, for a brief period, its Prime Minister. He was regarded as a "dove" by many innocents in the days when Ben Gurion was considered the number one hawk. But the diaries dispute this theory. Sharett's objectives were ESSENTIALLY THE SAME as those of the flamboyant Ben Gurion. Sharett simply favored different, more gradual, more sublte tactics. He filled diaries with agonizing and indecision as well as with reflections of his reluctance to engage in public debate with the charismatic first Prime Minister. The time is 1955. The setting is that the U.S. is still interessted in cultivating Abdel Nasser's friendship. The U.S. was prepared to offer Israel a security guarantee coupled with an attempt to persuade Nasser to make peace. On 8/14, Nasser indicated he was interested in "normalizing relations with Israel." In other words, conditions were favorable for a settlement. BUT THE ZIONIST IDEOLOGUES DID NOT WISH A SETTLEMENT. An important consideration in the sequence of events is that the Israeli population ws enjoying a growing sense of prosperity and security. This did not suit the Zionist ideologues who believed the people's teeth should be set on edge so that when the opportunity came, the country might be ready for Israel's next move to expand. The immediate territorial target was GAZA. The political objective was to disrupt the growing rapport between the U.S. and Nasser. Sharett's diary, for 5/26/55 records the thinking of some of those who orchestrated Israeli attitudes and also influenced world opinion. The principal spokesman for the opponents of the possible peace was Dayan. And the diary reports:

We do not need (Dayan said) a security pact with the U.S., such a pact will only constitute an obstacle for us. We face no danger at all of an Arab advantage of force for the next 8-10 years. Even if they receive massive military aid from the west, we shall maintain our military superiority thanks to an infinitely greater capacity to assimilate new armaments. The security pact will only handcuff us and deny us freedom of actrion, and this is what we need in the coming years. Reprisal raids which we couldn't carry out if we were tied to a security pact are our vital lymph. First (the reprisal raids) make it imperative for the Arabgoernmentsto tkae strong measures to protect the borders. Second, AND THAT'S THE MAIN THING, THEY MAKE IT POSSIBLE FOR US TO MAINTAIN A HIGH LEVEL OF TENSION AMONG OUR POPULATION AND THE ARMY. Without these actions we would cease to be a combative people and WITHOUT THE DISCIPLINE OF A COMBATIVE PEOPLE WE ARE LOST....We will have to cry out that the Negev is in danger SO THAT ANGRY MEN WILL GO THERE.

Sharett then adds his own comments"

The conclusions from Dayan's words are clear" This state has no international worries, no economic problems. THE QUESTION OF PEACE IS NON-EXISTENT. IT must calculate its steps narrow-mindedly AND LIVE ON ITS SWORD. It must see the sword as the main, if not the only instrument with which to keep its morale high and to retain its moral tension. Towards this end it may, no, IT MUST, INVENT DANGERS AND TO DO TIHIS IT MUST ADOPT THE METHODOF PROVOCATION AND REVENGE....and above all, let us hope for a new war with the Arab countries so that we may finally GET RID OF OUR TROUBLES AND ACQUIRE OUR SPACE...Ben Gurion himself said it would be worth while to pay an Arab a million pounds to start a war. (33)

The eternal, Zionist dialectic again! If the people are not obsessed with fear, create conditions to frighten them. If there are no visible enemies - create them! Ignore any hand outstretched in friendship, for the friendship CAN DISSOLVE THE IDEOLOGY. The analogy to recent Israeli conduct is obvious. Conventional compromises of the conventional issues of peace will achieve nothing more than another precarious armistice. Arabs were the victims of Zionism before there was Zionist sovereignty over territoryand before law, canonized in the Zionist state, formalized Zionism's racism into Israeli nationalism. Arabs know besst in al the world the essence of this bitter conflict. But they have been unable, or unwilling, to articulate their concern and to identify this parochial, Zionist ideology as the malignancy metastasizing into every one of the more ephemeral issues and making them unresponsive to normal diplomatic treatment. This Arab failure, plus the resistance of Western "statesmen", refusing to hear or see for political reasons, plus the persistence, inventiveness and opportunisim of Zionist/Israeli propaganda have produced in much of the world a one-dimensional judgment of the Arab/Palestinian?Israeli/Zionist conflict. In the west MOST OF WHAT THE AVERAGE CITIZEN KNOWS ABOUT "ARABS" HE KNOWS FROM ZIONIST, OR ZIONIST-INDOCTRINATED SOURCES. It is symbolic of the false dilemma into which this knot-hole vision of the conflict has directed the world that the Palestinian aspiration of a democratic, secular,unitary state is commonly viewed with trepidation, if not outright abhorrence. Theunspoken reason, of course, is not tht Jews would be exterminated or "driven into the sea." The reason is that such a state would exorcise Zionism and its synthetic "Jewish people" nationality together with its expansionist, extra-territorial claims to part or all of Palestine. That the democratization of any society and the elimination of extra-territorialism are regarded generally as desirable attainments in normal international relations never seems to trouble the myopic supporters of Zionist/Israel. Paradoxically, this ETHNOCENTERED, EXCLUSIVIST, AGGRESSIVE IDEOLOGY has been widely accpeted as a benevolent, liberating, progressive phenomenon. Not until its true character is fully understood and the wider horizons of the human dimensions of the total confrontation with "the Arabs" are adequately perceived,will the ever "smaller range of consciousness" be repolaced with the elevated vision needed to create the so far elusive but eminently desirable "just and enduring peace."


" If I lose the light of the sun, I will write by candlelight, moonlight or no light. If I lose paper and ink, I will write in blood on forgotten walls I will write always I will capture right all over the world and bring them to you. The streets lie,the sidewalks lie, everything lies You can try and read it but you're gonna get it wrong... all wrong. The summer evenings burn and melt and the nights glitter but you're gonna get it wrong And it's gonna sink its teeth into your flesh and pull you to the bottom"